GENEVA,Switzerland, Oct 4 – UN Secretary‑General António Guterres’ remarks to the opening ceremony of the fifteenth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD 15), today:
I want to thank Prime Minister [Mia] Mottley and all Barbadians for so warmly welcoming us and in particular, I will never forget, the wonderful day that Prime Minister Mottley gave me yesterday, showing me the enormous effort that her Government is making in order to make sure that Barbados is able to defeat COVID, to defeat climate change, and to defeat inequality in the world. And I also would like to thank everyone who is part of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD).
A gathering like this comes only once every four years. UNCTAD 15 is the Olympics of trade, development, investment, policy and technology discussions. And we need your advice and guidance today, more than ever. Two weeks ago, at the United Nations General Assembly, I had the opportunity to sound the alarm – a wake‑up call to the leaders of the world – a call to action to tackle the cascade of crises facing us: poverty and inequalities; conflicts and climate change; environmental degradation and disasters;, mistrust and division; and of course, the COVID‑19 pandemic, which has claimed almost 5 million lives so far.
The pandemic has wreaked havoc across the global economy. It disrupted the powerful economic engines of trade, manufacturing and transportation. Millions of jobs have been lost at a time when social protections remain out of reach; 120 million people fell into poverty last year; 811 million are going hungry; tens of millions of children remain out of school — particularly girls. And for the first time in two decades, the human development index has declined.
We’re moving in the wrong direction. Decades of hard‑won development progress are slipping away before our eyes. And the Sustainable Development Goals are at risk of failure. We need to turn this around with a bold, sustainable and inclusive global recovery. One that benefits the many, rather than the few. One that delivers hope to people — and healing to our planet. And one that levels the playing field for all countries as they support their people during this extraordinary moment in history.
There is seemingly good news. Some estimates show that we’re in the midst of a substantial economic recovery, with world gross domestic product (GDP) growth ranging between 5 and nearly 6 per cent. But we know the other side of that story. This recovery is not evenly shared. Advanced economies are investing nearly 28 per cent of their GDPs into economic recovery. For middle‑income countries, that falls to 6.5 per cent. And it plummets to 1.8 per cent for the least developed countries; 1.8 per cent of a very small gross domestic product. In all, more than 8 out of every 10 dollars in recovery investment is being spent in developed countries — not in the countries in greatest need.
An uneven recovery is leaving much of humanity behind. And until we get serious about vaccine equity, recovery will be stuck at the starting gate. Wealthy countries have far more vaccines than people. Yet more than 90 per cent of Africans have yet to receive their first dose. This is an outrage. And as variants take hold and spread, this is a recipe for disaster, threatening us all.
As I have said repeatedly, the world must mobilize behind a global vaccination plan with clear targets for every country. We need to dramatically ramp up vaccine production and get them into the arms of 70 per cent of people, in all countries, in the first half of 2022. But vaccines are the first step in a much longer race.
Your theme this year — “From inequality and vulnerability to prosperity for all” — captures the heart of the challenge. I see four glaring challenges, which — if not addressed — make any notion of prosperity for all a distant dream: debt distress; systems starved for investment; unfair trade; and a climate emergency that leaves small island developing States like Barbados perilously vulnerable.
The first challenge is the imperative to tackle debt distress. Left unchecked, debt distress is a dagger through the heart of global recovery. Countries cannot build back if they are held back. The international community has taken a few positive steps, but it is time for a quantum leap in support.
That is why today at UNCTAD 15, I am proposing an urgent four‑point debt crisis action plan. To start, we know national budgets are being stretched thin by COVID‑19, so we must push for an immediate expansion of liquidity for the countries in greatest need. I welcome the recent issuance of $650 billion in special drawing rights by the International Monetary Fund (IMF). But this support largely goes to the countries that need them least, as they are distributed according to the quotas. Today, I am calling for a substantial reallocation of unused special drawing rights, not a symbolic one, a substantial reallocation to vulnerable countries that need them — including middle‑income countries.
Second: we know countries are being crushed by debt service costs, so we need an extension and expansion of the G20’s Debt Service Suspension Initiative into next year. The Initiative — and the Common Framework for Debt Treatment beyond the Debt Service Suspension Initiative — have great potential to ease the debt crisis. But they are too limited in eligibility and time frame. Suspending debt service should be extended into next year and also made available to all countries that need it, including middle‑income countries.
Third: we know suspending debt payments will not be enough in many countries. They will need effective debt relief, involving both public and private creditors. I renew my call for a comprehensive strategy around reforming the international debt architecture — including debt restructuring or reduction, especially for middle‑income countries — to help them avoid deadly cycles of debt waves. We should look at innovative debt instruments like debt swaps, buy‑backs and exchanges.
Fourth and finally: we need private finance to help fill the gap. It is deeply unfair that rich countries can borrow cheaply and spend their way to recovery, while low- and middle‑income countries struggle to keep their economies afloat. We need to bring together the public and private sectors to develop innovative financing tools to accelerate the return of private investment to pre‑pandemic levels — which will, in turn, accelerate recovery. And we need to increase multilateral development bank assistance to lower risk and draw capital to bankable, job‑creating projects in communities that need them. Taken together, this debt crisis action plan can help ensure that no Government is forced to choose between servicing its debts and serving its people.
The second major challenge facing us is the need to get down to the business of a sustainable and equitable recovery for all. Around the world, COVID‑19 has starved all of the systems that support human development of needed investment. Without acceleration, we will not reach the Sustainable Development Goals. We need to help countries make bold investments in education, universal social protection, health care and decent work. We need to put people above profits, including through fair tax burdens, and ending tax evasion, money‑laundering, and illicit financial flows.
The G20 members, United Nations system, and international financial institutions should work together with the Organisation for Economic Co‑operation and Development (OECD) to follow through on the recent progress towards a global framework for corporate taxation. It’s time to move to implementation, and ensure that taxes benefit people in places where economic activity actually happens – in communities, not distant boardrooms.
The third challenge is to reignite the engines of trade and investment, and ensure they benefit the poorest countries. COVID‑19 has put the brakes on the contribution of trade to economic growth. The trade‑to‑GDP ratio remains below pre‑pandemic levels. The pandemic also derailed investment, with foreign direct investment plunging by 35 per cent last year. And in its current state, the global trade system remains heavily stacked against the poorest countries. They are victims of unfair trade rules and barriers, unpredictable commodity prices, outdated infrastructure and transportation systems, and lack of access to digital tools.
We need open and fair trade rules, so all countries can compete on a level playing field no matter their position on the development ladder. We also need to help developing countries modernize their infrastructure and trade flows, reducing costs and increasing efficiencies. This is vital to support their transition to green economies grounded in sustainable and renewable energy. It includes modernizing transportation — especially the shipping industry, which transports 80 per cent of global merchandise. Automation and digital solutions can reduce bottlenecks and help this vital industry decarbonize.
Which brings me to the fourth major challenge facing us: the need to build a global green economy. Small island developing States like Barbados are looking to the future with worry. And increasingly, to the global community with a cynical eye. For good reason. They hear the words, but do not see the actions behind them. We often act as if we have another planet waiting for us. We don’t.
A green and resilient recovery means committing to net‑zero emissions by mid‑century. More ambitious 2030 climate and biodiversity plans — COP26 [Twenty‑sixth Session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change] in Glasgow must keep the 1.5 degree Celsius goal of the Paris Agreement alive. No new coal plants. Phasing out subsidies for fossil fuels and polluting industries. Putting a price on carbon, and channelling that back to schools, hospitals, social protections and job creation. And supporting developing countries as they make the shift to green economies — by implementing the promise to provide at least $100 billion every year from the developed countries.
For countries like Barbados on the front lines of the climate crisis, adapting and building resilience is not a luxury — it is an urgent priority. Right now, adaptation remains the neglected half of the climate equation, accounting for only 25 per cent of climate finance in support of developing countries. Small island developing States only receive a fraction of the funding that goes to developing countries for adaptation — less than 2 per cent in 2019. Small island developing countries, the most impacted by climate change, received less than 2 per cent in 2019 of the support to the developing countries. So, today, I repeat my call to donors and multilateral development banks to allocate at least 50 per cent of their climate support towards adaptation and resilience.
We need leadership. Countries cannot wait for others to make the first move. Developed and developing countries alike have a responsibility to act. The fossil fuel economy is itself becoming a fossil, one that has left its imprint on our Earth for too long. It’s time to shift our support to building a sustainable green economy.
As Prime Minister Mottley reminded the world in her stirring address at the General Assembly last week: “We have the means to give every adult a vaccine. And we have the means to invest in protecting the most vulnerable on our planet from a change in climate. But we choose not to.”
It’s time to make better choices. Through your discussions at this Conference, we can explore new ways to learn from yesterday’s mistakes — and avoid repeating them. We can make progress to ending the inequalities that hinder sustainable growth and prosperity for all. And we can recover better together at this extraordinary moment in history. Thank you.
10月27日华盛顿报道，美国众议院司法委员会指称，拜登政府联邦调查局（FBI）曾利用安全审查程序对一名举报人进行报复，甚至试图审问其妻子，同时拒绝其多次提出的聘请律师的请求。 该司法委员会今天在一封由俄亥俄州共和党籍主席乔丹（Jim Jordan）和弗吉尼亚州共和党议员基根斯（Jen Kiggans）签署的信函中告知现任联邦调查局（FBI）局长帕特尔（Kash Patel)，指控前拜登政府曾利用安全审查问询程序规避举报人保护措施，并曾在2024年对举报人特工费尔蒂塔（Valentine Fertitta）展开报复调查。 特工费尔蒂塔曾揭发拜登政府时期的联邦调查局滥用“执法权力”。此后，对他的安全许可评估过程异常冗长。在此期间，联邦调查局还曾试图审讯他的妻子艾米丽（Emily Fertitta)，并要求她参加为期两天的传讯，当艾米丽反驳并要求律师在场时，拜登政府司法部实际上拒绝了她的请求。 美国众议院司法委员会在信中写道：“委员会掌握的文件显示，司法部调查人员剥夺了费尔蒂塔女士在传讯期间获得律师建议的权利，以及事先查看联邦调查局关于问讯流程指南的机会。” 该司法委员会称，联邦调查局曾告知费尔蒂塔女士，“‘不会提供与问讯相关的政策指南、手册以及议程或提纲。’”“律师不得在问讯期间向您提供建议，不得提出任何问题，也不得阻止您回答问题。基本上，她只会默默地坐在那里。’” 拜登政府要求问讯费尔蒂塔女士违反了安全审查评估的标准流程。该机构的一份管理标准的程序的指南并不允许该机构否认配偶特权，配偶在刑事案件中拒绝对其伴侣作证的合法权利。该指南也不允许拒绝聘请律师的请求。 该司法委员会在其通讯中没有详细说明举报人试图揭露的拜登政府行为的性质。 该司法委员会已要求联邦调查局提供所有与报复调查举报人费尔蒂塔家族相关的文件。联邦调查局局长帕特尔已被指示不迟于2025年11月10日向美国众议院司法委员会提供其所要求的文件。
10月26日波士顿报道，现年82岁的民主党前总统拜登今天晚间突然现身波士顿出席肯尼迪研究所举办的终身成就奖颁奖仪式，他在接受颁奖后公开讲话时称，美国现在这些日子是“黑暗的日子”。不久之前，他完成了针对他身患侵袭性前列腺癌的放射和激素治疗。 拜登在讲话结束时呼吁美国人“重新站起来”。他在讲话中还敦促美国人保持乐观，并称不要因为特朗普总统对言论自由的攻击和对行政权力界限的试探而放弃。 拜登称：“自建国以来，美国一直是世界历史上政府最强大理念的灯塔，这个理念比任何军队都强大。我们比独裁者更强大。” 拜登说，美国依赖于一个权力有限的总统、一个运转良好的国会和一个自主的司法机构。在联邦政府面临有史以来第二长停摆之际，特朗普总统利用资金缺口来对政府施加新的控制。 拜登还说：“朋友们，我无法粉饰这一切。这是黑暗的日子。重新找到我们真正的指南针，只要我们保持信念，我们就会一如既往地变得更加强大、更加智慧、更加坚韧、更加公正。” 拜登列举了一些坚守立场、抵制现任政府威胁的人士，例如抗议辞职的联邦雇员，以及被特朗普总统盯上的大学和喜剧演员。 拜登说：“深夜节目主持人明知自己的职业生涯岌岌可危，却依然坚持捍卫言论自由。” 拜登还对那些投票或公开反对特朗普政府的共和党民选官员发出了批评，他说：“美国不是童话，250年来，它一直在不断拉锯，在危险与可能性之间进行着一场关乎生存的斗争。” 民主党人拜登在他的白宫任职一届后于今年1月卸任。他在2024年美国总统大选期间与特朗普总统的辩论惨败后，拜登面临极大压力，加之对其年龄、健康和精神健康状况的担忧，最终被迫放弃了竞选连任。副总统哈里斯随后立即开始竞选连任，但于去年11月惨败给了共和党总统候选人特朗普。 今年5月，拜登卸任后的办公室宣布，他被诊断出患有恶性前列腺癌，且癌细胞已扩散至骨骼。前列腺癌的侵袭性使用格里森评分进行分级。评分范围为6至10分，8、9和10分的前列腺癌侵袭性更强。拜登办公室表示，他的评分为9分。
10月26日南海报道，美国海军称，一架海军战斗机和一架直升机今天在南海分别坠毁。两架飞机上的机组人员均已安全获救。 据美国太平洋舰队在社交媒体X的帖子中称，一架隶属于第73直升机海上打击中队“战斗猫”的MH-60R“海鹰”直升机于当地时间下午2点45分左右在“执行例行任务”时坠毁。太平洋舰队在社交媒体X的帖子中表示，三名机组人员均已获救。 大约30分钟后，太平洋舰队再一次表示，第22攻击战斗机中队“战斗红鸡”的一架F/A-18F“超级大黄蜂”战斗机也在执行例行任务时坠毁。机上两名机组人员弹射逃生，并被第11航母打击群的搜救队救起。 太平洋舰队表示，所有机组人员情况稳定。坠机原因正在调查中。 不到 12 个月的时间里，美国海军已经因各种事故损失了四架战斗机，每架损失超过 6000 万美元，总计损失高超2.4亿美元。
10月26日吉隆坡报道，美国财政部长贝森特（Scott Bessent）今天表示，在特朗普总统与中国国家主席习近平10月30日会晤之前，他已就中美贸易谈判达成了“实质性框架”，这有可能避免对中国进口商品征收高额关税。 贝森特表示：“我认为我们已经为下周四在韩国会晤的两位领导人达成了实质性框架。总统威胁说，如果中国实施稀土全球出口管制，将征收100%的关税，这给了我最大的筹码，所以我认为我们已经避免了这种情况。”他还补充说，如果协议得以实施，对中国商品征收关税将可避免。 关于中国威胁对贵重稀土矿物实施出口管制，贝森特表示，他认为“他们会将这一举措推迟一年，以便重新审查”。 贝森特还暗示，在持续的贸易战中，中国停止从美国购买大豆后，两国可能就美国大豆达成协议。他说：“我相信，当与中国达成的协议公布后，我们的大豆种植户会对本季以及未来几年的大豆种植情况感到非常满意。” 据美国大豆协会称，中国是美国大豆的最大买家，2023年和2024年购买了美国大豆出口量的50%以上。
10月26日加州萨克拉门托报道，民主党人加州州长纽森（Gavin Newsom）今天对外宣称，他将在2026年中期选举后考虑是否竞选美国总统。纽森的州长任期将于2027年1月结束，由于任期限制，他无法再次参选州长。 58岁的纽森今天在回复明年中期选举结束后是否会“认真考虑”竞选总统的问题时表示：“是的，否则我就是在撒谎，我就是撒谎。而且我不会——我不能那样做。” 纽森曾多次前往关键的摇摆州，包括今年7月访问南卡罗来纳州。目前，该州计划在2028年总统大选中举办首场民主党初选，但情况可能会有所改变。纽森当时的行程包含多个地点，他会见了该州民主党领导人，并在一家咖啡店驻足，号召活动人士，并帮助店员提供浓缩咖啡。 纽森在谈及在南卡罗来纳州与民主党人会面时说道：“我碰巧，感谢上帝，我做对了这行，我爱人。我真的爱人。” 纽森表示，在经历了包括阅读障碍在内的诸多挑战之后，他可能竞选美国总统的消息提醒他，人生可能会朝着意想不到的方向发展。 纽森还表示：“我不知道，一个SAT成绩只有960分，却仍然读不懂讲稿，总是待在教室后排的人，竟然会把这些都扔掉，这本身就很不可思议。谁知道呢？我期待着2028年谁能参选，谁能实现那个目标。而这正是美国人民应该思考的问题。” 纽森认为，他目前的重点是通过加州第50号提案。这项他一直倡导的投票措施将允许州民主党人暂时改变美国众议院选区的边界，使其更有利于民主党。 纽森说，他的努力将在下周的特别选举中决定结果，这是对特朗普总统推动共和党控制的州，如德克萨斯州修改国会选区划分的回应，以便共和党明年有更大的机会保住其在众议院的微弱多数席位。 纽森还说：“我认为这关乎我们的民主。这关乎这个共和国的未来。我认为这关乎开国元勋们为之奋斗乃至牺牲的事业，关乎法治，而非特朗普的统治。” 投票前紧张局势加剧，两党都认为重新划分选区的努力对于实现明年赢得众议院多数席位的目标至关重要。无论哪个党控制着众议院，都拥有对行政部门的传票和监督权。 纽森在10月23日的一场劳工活动上对50号提案的支持者说：“我们有成百上千的移民和海关执法局（ICE）和边境巡逻队。”他指的是该州的联邦特工。纽森预测，在11月4日的特别选举之前，他们的人数可能会增加。 纽森还说：“别以为选举日那天我们不会再看到更多这样的事，这些人可不是闹着玩的。” 纽森谴责美国司法部表示将派遣自己的监督员监督加州的补选和新泽西州的州长选举，称这是特朗普政府恐吓民主党人的举动。美国司法部表示，此举的目的是“确保透明度、选票安全以及遵守联邦法律”。 虽然纽森长期以来一直是加州的常客，但他去年涉足总统政治时引起了人们的强烈关注，当时他是民主党人拜登总统的坚定捍卫者，尤其是在拜登与特朗普的辩论表现之后，这促使许多民主党人呼吁拜登退出2024年的竞选。…
10月26日吉隆坡报道，美国总统特朗普今天在马来西亚首都吉隆坡见证了柬埔寨和泰国签署扩大停火协议仪式，该协议由特朗普总统在今年夏天协助促成，成功结束了柬泰两国的边境冲突。扩大停火协议签署后，特朗普总统又与柬埔寨和泰国达成了单独的经济协议。 此次仪式是特朗普抵达马来西亚吉隆坡东盟（ASEAN）年度峰会后参加的首项活动，也是他亚洲之行的一部分，他此次亚洲之行还包括将对日本和韩国的访问。 特朗普总统在见证了柬埔寨首相洪玛奈（Hun Manet）和泰国总理阿努廷（Anutin Charnvirakul）签署扩大停火协议时表示：“我们做了一件很多人认为不可能的事情。” 该协议要求泰国释放18名被俘柬埔寨士兵，并要求两国开始从边境撤走重型武器。柬埔寨总理称这是“历史性的一天”，泰国总理则表示，该协议奠定了“持久和平的基石”。 特朗普总统此前威胁对柬泰两国征收更高关税，以迫使它们同意结束这场已造成数十人死亡、数十万人流离失所的边境冲突。 此前，特朗普总统今天搭乘空军一号专机抵达马来西亚首都吉隆坡时，在走过红毯时与当地演员一起表演了他标志性的竞选舞蹈。他还一手挥舞着美国国旗，一手挥舞着马来西亚国旗。 马来西亚总理安瓦尔（Anwar Ibrahim）赞扬了泰国和柬埔寨之间的协议，并在峰会开幕致辞中表示：“它提醒我们，和解不是让步，而是一种勇气。” 特朗普总统今天还与马来西亚签署了涉及贸易和关键矿产的协议。由于中国限制了关键技术制造零部件的出口，美国一直在努力扩大其供应链，以减少对中国的依赖。 美国和马来西亚发表的联合声明称，双方达成协议“旨在加强双边经济关系，这将为两国出口商提供前所未有的进入对方市场的机会”。 该声明宣称：“该协议将以我们长期的经济关系为基础，包括2004年签署的《美国-马来西亚贸易投资框架协议》。